APC’s FIVE THOUSAND NAIRA PROMISE FOR THE UNEMPLOYED AND VULNERABLE: LET’S NOT BEAT OURSELVES UP OVER AN IMPROBABLE PROMISE:
For me, I think the government was courageous in telling the truth, to Nigerians, on the impracticability of the proposition. Just like School feeding, just like State Creation and other bogus promises which only appeal to the undiscerning, there is no basis for those lavish schemes which are not sustainable and only speaks of spending without a carefully thought out spin-off and possible benefit for the economy. I am not saying that investment in human capacity development does not pay dividend. What I am saying is, there are more strategic schemes which can help the bottom of the pyramid, bridge inequality and create a sustainable basis for the development of the economy.
LET’S REVIEW A COUPLE OF THINGS THAT THE GOVERNMENT CAN DO AS REPLACEMENT FOR THE BOGUS FIVE THOUSAND NAIRA PROMISE
1. EDUCATION - Tied to poverty is illiteracy. How do we avail the right kind of education that can feed our development needs and de-emphasize education that prioritizes white-collar jobs over blue-collar? How do we create an education system that can accelerate development; and one that targets the bottom of the pyramid - giving them requisite vocational skills that can feed into a chain of small businesses and guarantee a supply of support skills that can help quicken our infrastructure and industrial development? That should be our priority. School feeding is of secondary importance here, and may be introduced if the economy is buoyant and is able to support the investment long-term, otherwise, why not seek other platforms in which the parents of school-children can be supported, while the right infrastructure and instructional environment is created?
2. ENERGY - Growth and Development are actually not synonyms. In Nigeria's case, growth averaged 6.2% for 10 years from 2004 – 2014, without commensurate development. How can a nation fast-track development with electricity supplies to the national grid averaging 2,500 Megawatts in a nation of 178 million people? It is often said that small businesses are the engine room of development in any economy, and China remains a classic example. There is correlation between access to energy and cost of doing business as well as the development of small businesses. Rather than invest 3 Trillion in hand-outs to constituents that are not properly delineated, given the absence of a credible National Identity Scheme, why not invest it as part of Development Financing for Energy and other Infrastructure? If this is done, not only will we be able to create over 200, 000 (two hundred thousand) direct jobs in the energy and infrastructure sector, we’ll also be able to liberate over 2,000,000 (two million) indirect jobs from Agribusiness, manufacturing and allied industries, as a result of acquired energy and infrastructure efficiencies. This does not include the tax income and foreign direct investments that will flow therefrom.
3. EMPOWERMENT - Agriculture contributes about 21% of Nigeria's GDP but it is largely done at subsistence level with no empowerment for rural and small-holder farmer, whose manual efforts are greeted with very low yield-per-hectare, hence the high-level of rural-urban drift; and tied to this is the high level of destitution and crime in our urban centres. So rather than worry about giving a five thousand naira monthly stipend to the vulnerable, the focus should be on how we can empower small-holder farmers, implement a value chain approach to the development of our Agriculture while moving the dynamics of the Agriculture sector from Farm-gate to factory-gate, leveraging access to credit, fertilizers, all year round irrigation, extension services and the building of Agro-Allied Industries in identified Agric-Belts. Furthermore, beyond Agriculture, there are over 12 Million registered SME’s in Nigeria, with less than half of these operational due to a lack of access to credit and other economic infrastructure such as electricity. So rather than invest 3 trillion naira on a preventive giving scheme, why not set-up a Development Finance framework to empower over a million MSME’s? If one million MSME’s are empowered and are able to create at least 2 new jobs each, that is another 2 million jobs added to the economy with productivity gains added, representing a boost to our Gross Domestic Products.
SO WHY INSIST ON THE 5 THOUSAND NAIRA STIPEND?
It’s a promise, if implemented, may derail this government from achieving anything worthwhile, rather than hyper-inflation, which may, in fact render the naira totally useless. We have seen the result of bogus schemes such as this. Remember the the Robert Mugabe's programme which returned land to poor uneducated black farmers who did not have the capacity to maximise the potentials of the land. This populist policy threw the Zimbabwean Economy into the deep recession, which the Country is battling till date. Let's not start a wild scheme in Nigeria. #LetsFaceFacts
Showing posts with label Development Economics. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Development Economics. Show all posts
Tuesday, 1 March 2016
Monday, 22 February 2016
Nigeria: The Search for the Right Economic Paradigm
MY CURRENT THOUGHTS ON NIGERIA – WE BADLY NEED TO CHANGE PARADIGM.
Nigeria is drifting and there seems to be a scarcity of wisdom, not just in the corridors of power, but everywhere. We seem to be great at recycling our leaders in an attempt to leverage experience in resolving a current challenge. It happened in 1999 and it repeated itself in 2015. But, the missing link has really not been “experience”, it has all along been “vision”. I reckon that for us to go into the future, “vision” must replace “experience”. In trying to find answers to the current challenge, we must look beyond the immediate. We really need to ask ourselves: “what really do we want Nigeria to be like in 30 – 50 years from now?”
MY CONVERSATION ON ZERO-BASED BUDGETING, THE 2016 BUDGET ERRORS AND THE CURRENT STATE OUR ECONOMY...
At the start of the debate on “Budget Padding” and all the phony figures that were emanating from the proposed 2016 budget, a foreign friend asked me some curious questions: “I thought your new government initially spoke about zero-based budgeting as done in China, I do not think that what was delivered was zero-based budgeting as there would have been no room for these levels of error if only the government had stuck with what it initially pronounced”. I tried to defend the government but my defence was feeble as my friend immediately countered by saying: what zero-based budgeting means is budgeting in which all expenses must be justified for each new period. Zero-based budgeting, therefore, starts from a "zero base" and every proposed expenditure – be it OP-EX or CAPEX - is analyzed for its needs and costs. So where did all the errors come from?” I was dazed. Before I could recover, my friend again asked another interesting question: ‘Did the current government weigh the challenge of falling Oil prices and the huge level rot in the system before aspiring for power?” That question was immediately followed by another one: “Beyond the quest to fight corruption, does the current government have a broad plan for the revival of the economy and the entrenchment of a system that works?” Both sounded like rhetorical questions to me because I could not proffer a clear answer.
SO, WHERE DID WE GO WRONG?
At the start of the current foreign exchange imbroglio, the government allowed the CBN governor a free reign as he experimented with currency controls – banning and unbanning items fit for access to the dollar at the official rate, yet no fiscal policy direction was unveiled to address imbalance within the economy. So, rather than put together a crack team to look at the issues more robustly, government played the ostrich.
WE PLAYED THE OSTRICH - USING MONETARY INTERVENTION TO ADDRESS AN ISSUE WHICH NEEDED A COMBINATION OF FISCAL AND MONETARY MEASURES
The government allowed the CBN Governor a free reign as it experimented with currency controls at a very delicate time, rather than put together a crack team to look at the issues more robustly. We got a downgrade on the JP Morgan Bond Index, it was fine. Foreign Investors started to flee our Bourse – it was fine. We started to lose foreign direct investment flows – it was fine. Government persisted in its ways and now, there is a huge gap between the official rate of the dollar and the black-market rate, with speculators having a field day in the middle – I hope we still do not perceive this as fine? Because, at this rate, if we do not start to do the right things, we might be heading for a recession.
NO DOUBT, PRESIDENT BUHARI MEANS WELL – BUT BEYOND GOOD INTENTIONS, WE NEED A LEADERSHIP THAT CAN LEAD THE WAY OUT OF OBSOLETE PARADIGMS
The problem is not good intentions. The real problem is that we are so used to doing nothing but corruptly courting the income coming from Crude Oil, with no push for a change in paradigm. We have designed all manner of Development / Rolling Plans – from Vision 2010 to NEEDS, to Vision 2020 – but, we have NOT action-ed any.
TRUTH IS, RIGHT ACTIONS ARE BETTER THAN GOOD INTENTIONS.
I still believe in good intentions, but I am longing more for right actions, right now, because Nigeria badly requires a leader that is an innovator and a change-maker, who is endowed, skilled and emotionally engaged. While right actions usually flow from good intentions – good intentions remain the starting point; we must take it further, because, in solving the current challenge, there is a need for revolutionary change and not incremental change.
POST-SCRIPT: MY SUGGESTION
While I accept that there really are no quick fixes for the position we found ourselves following the fall of Crude Oil prices in the global market, but our government did not help matters at all. Truth is, we have no one to blame but ourselves. Our love for everything foreign and our reliance on a wasting asset has led us on this path. Now what is desirable are innovative solutions rather than a hard-line position. Nigeria cannot be an island unto itself. We need the world, just as the world needs us. Devaluing by 20% when our dominant export had lost over 80% of it's value,and meandering on the corridor of a hard-line exchange control, seem to me like playing the Ostrich. What we should have done was to begin to address key fundamentals like interest rates, a possible quantitative easing with rate hikes on letters of credits for imports and subsidies for target sectors like Agriculture and Manufacturing, while reaching out for foreign investment.
Nigeria is drifting and there seems to be a scarcity of wisdom, not just in the corridors of power, but everywhere. We seem to be great at recycling our leaders in an attempt to leverage experience in resolving a current challenge. It happened in 1999 and it repeated itself in 2015. But, the missing link has really not been “experience”, it has all along been “vision”. I reckon that for us to go into the future, “vision” must replace “experience”. In trying to find answers to the current challenge, we must look beyond the immediate. We really need to ask ourselves: “what really do we want Nigeria to be like in 30 – 50 years from now?”
MY CONVERSATION ON ZERO-BASED BUDGETING, THE 2016 BUDGET ERRORS AND THE CURRENT STATE OUR ECONOMY...
At the start of the debate on “Budget Padding” and all the phony figures that were emanating from the proposed 2016 budget, a foreign friend asked me some curious questions: “I thought your new government initially spoke about zero-based budgeting as done in China, I do not think that what was delivered was zero-based budgeting as there would have been no room for these levels of error if only the government had stuck with what it initially pronounced”. I tried to defend the government but my defence was feeble as my friend immediately countered by saying: what zero-based budgeting means is budgeting in which all expenses must be justified for each new period. Zero-based budgeting, therefore, starts from a "zero base" and every proposed expenditure – be it OP-EX or CAPEX - is analyzed for its needs and costs. So where did all the errors come from?” I was dazed. Before I could recover, my friend again asked another interesting question: ‘Did the current government weigh the challenge of falling Oil prices and the huge level rot in the system before aspiring for power?” That question was immediately followed by another one: “Beyond the quest to fight corruption, does the current government have a broad plan for the revival of the economy and the entrenchment of a system that works?” Both sounded like rhetorical questions to me because I could not proffer a clear answer.
SO, WHERE DID WE GO WRONG?
At the start of the current foreign exchange imbroglio, the government allowed the CBN governor a free reign as he experimented with currency controls – banning and unbanning items fit for access to the dollar at the official rate, yet no fiscal policy direction was unveiled to address imbalance within the economy. So, rather than put together a crack team to look at the issues more robustly, government played the ostrich.
WE PLAYED THE OSTRICH - USING MONETARY INTERVENTION TO ADDRESS AN ISSUE WHICH NEEDED A COMBINATION OF FISCAL AND MONETARY MEASURES
The government allowed the CBN Governor a free reign as it experimented with currency controls at a very delicate time, rather than put together a crack team to look at the issues more robustly. We got a downgrade on the JP Morgan Bond Index, it was fine. Foreign Investors started to flee our Bourse – it was fine. We started to lose foreign direct investment flows – it was fine. Government persisted in its ways and now, there is a huge gap between the official rate of the dollar and the black-market rate, with speculators having a field day in the middle – I hope we still do not perceive this as fine? Because, at this rate, if we do not start to do the right things, we might be heading for a recession.
NO DOUBT, PRESIDENT BUHARI MEANS WELL – BUT BEYOND GOOD INTENTIONS, WE NEED A LEADERSHIP THAT CAN LEAD THE WAY OUT OF OBSOLETE PARADIGMS
The problem is not good intentions. The real problem is that we are so used to doing nothing but corruptly courting the income coming from Crude Oil, with no push for a change in paradigm. We have designed all manner of Development / Rolling Plans – from Vision 2010 to NEEDS, to Vision 2020 – but, we have NOT action-ed any.
TRUTH IS, RIGHT ACTIONS ARE BETTER THAN GOOD INTENTIONS.
I still believe in good intentions, but I am longing more for right actions, right now, because Nigeria badly requires a leader that is an innovator and a change-maker, who is endowed, skilled and emotionally engaged. While right actions usually flow from good intentions – good intentions remain the starting point; we must take it further, because, in solving the current challenge, there is a need for revolutionary change and not incremental change.
POST-SCRIPT: MY SUGGESTION
While I accept that there really are no quick fixes for the position we found ourselves following the fall of Crude Oil prices in the global market, but our government did not help matters at all. Truth is, we have no one to blame but ourselves. Our love for everything foreign and our reliance on a wasting asset has led us on this path. Now what is desirable are innovative solutions rather than a hard-line position. Nigeria cannot be an island unto itself. We need the world, just as the world needs us. Devaluing by 20% when our dominant export had lost over 80% of it's value,and meandering on the corridor of a hard-line exchange control, seem to me like playing the Ostrich. What we should have done was to begin to address key fundamentals like interest rates, a possible quantitative easing with rate hikes on letters of credits for imports and subsidies for target sectors like Agriculture and Manufacturing, while reaching out for foreign investment.
Friday, 4 December 2015
Welfarism and Production - The Paradox of the Nigerian Context
STILL ON APC’S INSISTENCE ON THE N5,000 POLICY: WHAT IS THE PLAN? WHERE ARE THE RESOURCES? HOW SUSTAINABLE IS THIS?
I love campaigns and politics because both are platforms for elevated speeches and promises. But after elections, reality always beckons. Now, Alhaji Lai Mohammed, the APC spokesperson has insisted that the APC intends to keep this promise.
While I am not entirely condemning this plan, I am just imagining the implication of paying N5,000 naira monthly to the bottom 25 million and the humongous bureaucracy we need to create to make that happen; and since governance is about the allocation of priorities, I am also looking at how a whopping 1.3 Trillion naira from the national treasury annually will help achieve the goal of diversifying our economy and creating a sustainable basis for national wealth. While the welfare pay-out may make some sense from a preventive giving perspective, it begs the question from an economic sense, given that we are not yet an industrial society, able to meet its local demand and possessing the capacity for broad-based growth away from dependence on commodities. So what really are we trying to achieve? How are we going to manage this without giving rise to other negative consequences? Is it possible to reduce inequality, decrease social tension and create vents for shared prosperity through other means?
WELFARISM IN A LARGELY CONSUMING ECONOMY - WILL THIS BE AN INCENTIVE OR A DIS-INCENTIVE TO PRODUCTION?
The Industrial Revolution changed human life greatly by introducing exponential efficiency and creating more prosperous societies. But alongside the gains of the industrial revolution came other social ills, chief of which was inequality and social tension between the owners of production and labour. Following the negative impacts of the Industrial Revolution, Britain went from being a Welfare State (one that reaches out to the poor and indigent using the resource of the state) to a Welfare Society (one that seeks through measures such as taxation to redistribute wealth in order to reduce inequality and social tension).
A welfare state provides a range of goods to its citizens through legal entitlements; the welfare society, provides welfare through private means, essentially by taxing the rich to pay the poor. The latter being a refinement of the former, coming out of the Liberal Reforms of the 1940’s Britain, at the end of World War II.
THE VALUE JUDGMENT THAT PREDISPOSES A COUNTRY TOWARD A WELFARE SYSTEM –IS NIGERIA THERE YET?
The most important values judgment that predisposes societies to welfarism is that, if at least one is better off but no one worse off, the economy is better off. This judgment presupposes that aggregate production and, by extension, national wealth is adequate to cater for the weak and the indigent, while not acting as a disruptive force against production. But is Nigeria there yet?
HOW DO YOU DIVERSIFY YOUR ECONOMY IN A SITUATION WHERE MORE THAN A QUARTER OF THE NATIONAL BUDGET THAT CAN HELP CREATE AN ENABLING ENVIRONMENT FOR PRODUCTION IS GIVEN AS WELFARE PAY-OUTS?
For post-industrial societies, yes, welfarism may have some pertinence. But for societies hoping to build their productive base and aspire to a more efficiently run system which can guarantee more employment opportunities and increase national prosperity, welfarism may pose a big problem. This is because, in making the decision to push for welfarism, there is always the trade-off between equality and efficiency. While this may have some basis in a post-industrial society, it defeats the purpose in a pre-industrial arrangement. The APC need therefore to make its plan for implementing a N5,000 monthly stipend for the bottom 25 million clear so we can interrogate it. For like someone recently said, “a goal without a plan is merely a wish”. God bless Nigeria.
I love campaigns and politics because both are platforms for elevated speeches and promises. But after elections, reality always beckons. Now, Alhaji Lai Mohammed, the APC spokesperson has insisted that the APC intends to keep this promise.
While I am not entirely condemning this plan, I am just imagining the implication of paying N5,000 naira monthly to the bottom 25 million and the humongous bureaucracy we need to create to make that happen; and since governance is about the allocation of priorities, I am also looking at how a whopping 1.3 Trillion naira from the national treasury annually will help achieve the goal of diversifying our economy and creating a sustainable basis for national wealth. While the welfare pay-out may make some sense from a preventive giving perspective, it begs the question from an economic sense, given that we are not yet an industrial society, able to meet its local demand and possessing the capacity for broad-based growth away from dependence on commodities. So what really are we trying to achieve? How are we going to manage this without giving rise to other negative consequences? Is it possible to reduce inequality, decrease social tension and create vents for shared prosperity through other means?
WELFARISM IN A LARGELY CONSUMING ECONOMY - WILL THIS BE AN INCENTIVE OR A DIS-INCENTIVE TO PRODUCTION?
The Industrial Revolution changed human life greatly by introducing exponential efficiency and creating more prosperous societies. But alongside the gains of the industrial revolution came other social ills, chief of which was inequality and social tension between the owners of production and labour. Following the negative impacts of the Industrial Revolution, Britain went from being a Welfare State (one that reaches out to the poor and indigent using the resource of the state) to a Welfare Society (one that seeks through measures such as taxation to redistribute wealth in order to reduce inequality and social tension).
A welfare state provides a range of goods to its citizens through legal entitlements; the welfare society, provides welfare through private means, essentially by taxing the rich to pay the poor. The latter being a refinement of the former, coming out of the Liberal Reforms of the 1940’s Britain, at the end of World War II.
THE VALUE JUDGMENT THAT PREDISPOSES A COUNTRY TOWARD A WELFARE SYSTEM –IS NIGERIA THERE YET?
The most important values judgment that predisposes societies to welfarism is that, if at least one is better off but no one worse off, the economy is better off. This judgment presupposes that aggregate production and, by extension, national wealth is adequate to cater for the weak and the indigent, while not acting as a disruptive force against production. But is Nigeria there yet?
HOW DO YOU DIVERSIFY YOUR ECONOMY IN A SITUATION WHERE MORE THAN A QUARTER OF THE NATIONAL BUDGET THAT CAN HELP CREATE AN ENABLING ENVIRONMENT FOR PRODUCTION IS GIVEN AS WELFARE PAY-OUTS?
For post-industrial societies, yes, welfarism may have some pertinence. But for societies hoping to build their productive base and aspire to a more efficiently run system which can guarantee more employment opportunities and increase national prosperity, welfarism may pose a big problem. This is because, in making the decision to push for welfarism, there is always the trade-off between equality and efficiency. While this may have some basis in a post-industrial society, it defeats the purpose in a pre-industrial arrangement. The APC need therefore to make its plan for implementing a N5,000 monthly stipend for the bottom 25 million clear so we can interrogate it. For like someone recently said, “a goal without a plan is merely a wish”. God bless Nigeria.
Lee Kuan Yew and Singapore's Journey to Self Discovery - Any Lesson for Nigeria?
LEE KUAN YEW AND THE NANNY STATE MODEL:
Upon independence from Britain in 1965, no one gave Singapore the slightest chance of surviving. What with their domineering neighbor, Malaysia and the ethnic divisions within this thing Island State. However, the story of the transformation of Singapore - a tiny island with no natural resources into a thriving economic success - still confounds a lot of people including my humble self. As I re-read the book - "From Third World to First" - written by the protagonist himself, I am pondering on the amount of rigor and commitment Lee Kuan Yew applied on this interesting journey to self discovery.
NIGERIA - SEARCHING FOR FIFTY LOST YEARS...
Reading Lee Kuan Yew's book again, I can't help but search for parallels between Singapore in 1965 and the Nigeria of today. It suddenly dawned on me that Nigeria has lost fifty good years.
WHERE IS THE GRAND VISION? ARE WE NARROWING IT DOWN TO FIGHTING CORRUPTION AND RUNNING A WELFARE STATE AT A TIME OF DWINDLING RESOURCES?
All we are doing now is basically trying to lay bare plans on the table and if all I am hearing about spending to overcome the slow growth cycle and allocating 1.3 Trillion to a programme targeted at giving 5 thousand naira monthly stipend to 25 million people at the bottom of the pyramid, while keeping our bloated public service, is anything to go by, then I am not sure we are set to embark on a journey to recover our fifty lost years yet.
PROPOSING AN 8 TRILLION NAIRA BUDGET AND ALLOCATING LESS THAN 40% TO CAPEX WILL NOT GET US ANYWHERE;
Doubling the budget estimates at a time the revenue source of government, Oil, is fast losing value, only to spend a huge chunk of it on recurrent expenditure, is something I cannot comprehend. Where are we going to fund the budget from? I hear that President Buhari intends to borrow 2.10 Trillion naira; and I am really worried that we are not doing the hard rigor in finding solutions to Nigeria's economic imbalance. I think we are taking the easy route.
WE NEED TO AVOID THE GREEK SCENARIO.
Given the false protection which being in the Euro-Zone provided, for a long time,the government of Greece was using borrowed money to fund it's budget. The government of Greece prioritized welfare spending instead of focusing on building the Country's economic base through policies which encourage production. The government of Greece relied on one main source for revenue - tourism. As the global recession kicked-in in 2008, funds from tourism started to dry up and Greece's Creditors began to demand their money. The recession made it hard for Greece to pay back, because tax revenues were little, so keeping Greece's bloated public spending and pension programmes became a huge burden. And with a none existent production base and with tax evasion being commonplace and pension rights being unusually generous – there was no internal support base for Greece to fall back on. I hope Nigeria does not travel down that route. Rather than play Greece therefore, can we play Singapore - by investing in audacious infrastructure programmes and supporting production?
ENOUGH SAID - I AM ENJOYING LEE KUAN YEW'S BOOK.
I am praying for some kind of role-play and hoping that President Muhammadu Buhari could wear Lee Kuan Yew's character. I hope that dream can come to reality, because Nigeria truly needs a Nanny at this point.
Upon independence from Britain in 1965, no one gave Singapore the slightest chance of surviving. What with their domineering neighbor, Malaysia and the ethnic divisions within this thing Island State. However, the story of the transformation of Singapore - a tiny island with no natural resources into a thriving economic success - still confounds a lot of people including my humble self. As I re-read the book - "From Third World to First" - written by the protagonist himself, I am pondering on the amount of rigor and commitment Lee Kuan Yew applied on this interesting journey to self discovery.
NIGERIA - SEARCHING FOR FIFTY LOST YEARS...
Reading Lee Kuan Yew's book again, I can't help but search for parallels between Singapore in 1965 and the Nigeria of today. It suddenly dawned on me that Nigeria has lost fifty good years.
WHERE IS THE GRAND VISION? ARE WE NARROWING IT DOWN TO FIGHTING CORRUPTION AND RUNNING A WELFARE STATE AT A TIME OF DWINDLING RESOURCES?
All we are doing now is basically trying to lay bare plans on the table and if all I am hearing about spending to overcome the slow growth cycle and allocating 1.3 Trillion to a programme targeted at giving 5 thousand naira monthly stipend to 25 million people at the bottom of the pyramid, while keeping our bloated public service, is anything to go by, then I am not sure we are set to embark on a journey to recover our fifty lost years yet.
PROPOSING AN 8 TRILLION NAIRA BUDGET AND ALLOCATING LESS THAN 40% TO CAPEX WILL NOT GET US ANYWHERE;
Doubling the budget estimates at a time the revenue source of government, Oil, is fast losing value, only to spend a huge chunk of it on recurrent expenditure, is something I cannot comprehend. Where are we going to fund the budget from? I hear that President Buhari intends to borrow 2.10 Trillion naira; and I am really worried that we are not doing the hard rigor in finding solutions to Nigeria's economic imbalance. I think we are taking the easy route.
WE NEED TO AVOID THE GREEK SCENARIO.
Given the false protection which being in the Euro-Zone provided, for a long time,the government of Greece was using borrowed money to fund it's budget. The government of Greece prioritized welfare spending instead of focusing on building the Country's economic base through policies which encourage production. The government of Greece relied on one main source for revenue - tourism. As the global recession kicked-in in 2008, funds from tourism started to dry up and Greece's Creditors began to demand their money. The recession made it hard for Greece to pay back, because tax revenues were little, so keeping Greece's bloated public spending and pension programmes became a huge burden. And with a none existent production base and with tax evasion being commonplace and pension rights being unusually generous – there was no internal support base for Greece to fall back on. I hope Nigeria does not travel down that route. Rather than play Greece therefore, can we play Singapore - by investing in audacious infrastructure programmes and supporting production?
ENOUGH SAID - I AM ENJOYING LEE KUAN YEW'S BOOK.
I am praying for some kind of role-play and hoping that President Muhammadu Buhari could wear Lee Kuan Yew's character. I hope that dream can come to reality, because Nigeria truly needs a Nanny at this point.
Sunday, 26 April 2015
SEEING VALUE WHERE OTHERS SEE CHALLENGES – THE STORY OF SOUTH AFRICAN BUSINESSES IN NIGERIA
SEEING
VALUE WHERE OTHERS SEE CHALLENGES – THE STORY OF SOUTH AFRICAN BUSINESSES
IN NIGERIA
By Bolaji Okusaga
1. THE PARADOX OF
HAVING A HUGE ECONOMY WITH WEAK INFRASTRUCTURE AND UN-CORDINATED POLICIES
With a population of 170 million people out of Africa’s 903
million total headcount, which represents one-fifth of the continent’s
population, Nigeria is a huge paradox for global investors looking for
opportunities in Africa.
When Nigeria’s huge potential is juxtaposed with unsavoury
conditions which are detrimental to investment, such as corruption, excessive
bureaucratic bottlenecks and infrastructure challenges, an investor is likely
to face a huge dilemma. For instance, the World Bank’s 2013 “Doing Business"
survey puts Nigeria at 185th out of the 189 countries it surveyed on ease of
getting electricity. In addition to shortfalls in power generation, transmission
and distribution, transportation systems and other critical support infrastructure
are also relatively under-developed. This, coupled with the endemic corruption and
the bureaucratic red-tape make doing business in Nigeria tougher than in other
climes.
Beyond these challenges, however, Nigeria offers a basket of
opportunities for the intrepid. Nigeria
is currently rated as the biggest economy in Africa, accounting for 26% of the
economic output in sub-Saharan Africa and over 70% of the economic output in
the ECOWAS region. Except for the year
2015, which has seen a reduction in growth projections because of falling oil
prices and the anticipated crisis from the general elections, Nigeria has
maintained an average year on year economic growth of 6% in the last 10 years.
Other macro-economic variables have also remained relatively stable over this
period. Despite these positive indices, business in Nigeria is admittedly tricky, hence the departure of a lot of European and American trans-national corporations and the refusal of others to operate in Nigeria. Aside core investors in commodity and extractive industries - and a couple of players in manufacturing, who had been operating in Nigeria before its independence from Great Britain in 1960, a lot of European and American Technology and Consumer Goods businesses do not dare to take the plunge.
It is therefore no surprise that the likes of Starbucks, McDonald's, and a host of other companies involved in retail and distributive trade are missing the huge opportunities presented by Africa's biggest and most populous economy. To these companies, the risks outweigh the possible benefits- a clear case of seeing the cup as half empty.
The loss of these European and American companies is the gain of South African companies. Operating in Nigeria despite the huge challenges, they are reaping huge returns on their investment. From the foregoing, it is glaring that navigating Nigeria’s interesting investment paradox, borders on differences in perspective.
2. BEYOND HALF-FULL: HOW
HAVE SOUTH AFRICAN INVESTMENTS FARED IN NIGERIA?
Despite the infrastructure challenges, bureaucratic bottlenecks
and corruption often cited as the bane of investing in Nigeria, South African
businesses appear better suited to the Nigerian business environment than their
Western counterparts. From the retail end, with players such as Shoprite and Game, to Hotel and Hospitality with the Protea Hotel chain (which was recently acquired by Marriot, the American Hotel chain), onto Media and Cinema with companies like MultiChoice and Nu-Metro, banking and financial services - Stanbic IBTC Bank, First Rand Bank, Old Mutual and Nedbank (which recently acquired a sizable stake in Ecobank, the Nigeria led Pan- Africa Banking Franchise), and other mid-sized businesses dotting the Nigerian business landscape, South Africa today stands as one of the major players in the Nigerian economy.
Following the restoration of democracy in Nigeria in 1999 and
the adoption of the New Partnership for Africa Development (NEPAD) statute in
the early 2000's, South Africans were quick to identify opportunities in
Nigeria and were bold in their market entry. First to make a statement with its
entry was MultiChoice, which had arrived well before the return of democratic
governance and adoption of the NEPAD Agreement, and its entry re-invented the
media, cable and pay-TV industry in Nigeria.
Offering unparalleled
value within the local market, MultiChoice quickly became a monopoly,
dominating the Nigerian market and making it difficult for the local players to
compete in this capital intensive industry. Following the MultiChoice example,
MTN also rolled out its services as the second player within the newly
liberalized Nigerian Telecommunications market, immediately asserting its
leadership of the industry, rolling out
critical infrastructure across Nigeria and making huge investments in brand
building. Unsurprisingly, MTN became the market leader in less than one year of
its operations. While MTN was growing value in the Telecommunications sphere, the Protea Hotel chain was also planting its presence in Nigeria's major cities. Today Protea is the largest hotel chain in Nigeria, operating through a unique franchise model which seeks out Nigerian hotel and hospitality Investors as partners, while bringing in its own brand franchise and management expertise.
Furthermore, South Africa also registered its presence in the Nigerian Financial Market with the entry of Stanbic Bank, a wholly-owned local subsidiary of South Africa's Standard Bank. Seeing the need to grow its presence in Nigeria, it soon acquired a mid-sized local Universal Bank with a huge Investment Banking franchise - the IBTC Chartered Bank. It is on record that the deal is the first ever tender offer in Nigeria and with it came a 525 million dollar Foreign Direct Investment, the biggest single investment in Nigeria’s financial industry till date.
Through this investment, South Africa was able to make inroads into the Nigerian stock exchange given the fact that IBTC Chartered Bank was then the largest equity trader by volume and value on the Nigeria exchange as well as the largest portfolio manager and is represented on the council of the Nigerian Stock Exchange. Furthermore, this strategic acquisition also brought South Africa into Nigerian government bond management because the acquired Bank is the sole broker for the Federal Government of Nigeria and was picked by the government to be the settlement bank for the electronic warehouse receipt system introduced by the Nigerian Commodity Exchange.
Aside from the Stanbic IBTC success story in the Banking sector, South Africa is also deepening its participation in the Nigerian manufacturing and consumer goods sector. Tiger Brands, a South African company, recently bought a majority stake in UAC Foods and Dangote Foods. This strategic acquisition comes as a move to shore up the earnings of Tiger Brands, which has flattened at home, given Nigeria’s huge consumer market.
Aside from all of the businesses mentioned above, there other
new entrants into the Nigerian economy from South Africa, and these includes, Nedbank,
FirstRand, Old Mutual, Sanlam and MMI Holdings.
3. INITIAL POLICY
OBSTACLES AND SOUTH AFRICA’S ENTRY IN THE ERA OF LIBERALISATION
The curious though unspoken question on the lips of
international venture capitalists and investors, is how come the South Africans
seem to be succeeding where others are failing? This question comes against the
background of the noted challenges in the Nigerian environment which are
compounded by the absence of a stable policy environment.
The history of international investments in Nigeria before
the return of democracy was not particularly savoury, what with the
indigenization decree of the 1970's under the Military governments of Murtala
Mohammed and General Olusegun Obasanjo, which saw a lot of foreign business
interests in Nigeria ceding their stakes to Nigerian shareholders in a push for
the localization of multi-national businesses in Nigeria. This move saw the
exit of Shell Petroleum and British Petroleum from the down-stream sector of
Nigeria's lucrative Oil and Gas market. As if the set-backs of the 1970's were not enough, the structural imbalance of the 1980’s also saw the plummeting of industrial capacity in Nigeria. This situation arose largely from the rationing of foreign exchange under a corrupt and highly politicized import licence order. Given this scenario, there were frantic calls for structural reforms. These reforms were soon ripe and ready, following the huge debts which Nigeria incurred from the London and Paris club of Creditors.
Initial reforms were thus undertaken in the late 80’s to
early 90’s, tailored towards budgetary
tightening and fiscal discipline with a view to raising industrial capacity in
order to reduce dependence on imported finished goods. Prodded further by the
Breton Woods Institutions, to undertake more reforms, given its huge sovereign
debt, the Nigerian Military government under General Ibrahim Babangida, announced
more fiscal reforms; starting with the Second-tier Foreign Exchange Market,
which saw the devaluation of the naira, and the Structural Adjustment Programme
which engendered a high-level of fiscal tightening in a bid to refocus the
economy.
As all these reforms were going on, the Nigerian economy was
still largely perceived as unattractive to Foreign Investors in Europe and
America who only saw opportunities in the commodities and extractive industries
and were uninterested in deepening their involvement in the Nigerian manufacturing
and retail sectors having been scarred by the indigenization decree promulgated
by the Murtala/Obansanjo Military regime. The conventional wisdom at the time was
therefore to stay aloof to the reforms and the liberalisation of critical
sectors of the Nigerian economy that followed thereafter.
4. BOOSTING INTRA-AFRICA
TRADE: THE NIGERIA / SOUTH AFRICA EXAMPLE
Aside from
the existence of South African companies in Nigeria, Nigerian businesses are
also gradually making in-roads into South Africa, thereby helping to boost the
intra-Africa trade that was very low before the advent of the New Partnership
for Africa Development (NEPAD). Nigerian
energy firm, Oando, for example, is listed on the Johannesburg Stock Exchange,
while Dangote Group has also invested over $378 million in South Africa's
cement industry. In addition to these two companies, there are also a couple of
other Nigerian businesses in South Africa such as Arik Air, First Bank and
Union Bank which have representative offices in South Africa.
5. THE DOWN-SIDE OF
SOUTH AFRICA’S INVOLVEMENT IN THE NIGERIAN ECONOMY
The South Africans may have cashed in on the opportunities availed
by the liberal regime bought on by the new democratic order in Nigeria and are making
a kill where the west did not initially see any prospects, but there are a couple of things South Africa is also not
getting right.
One of these is the tendency of South African firms to only
trade among themselves rather than patronize local options in Nigeria. It is usually alleged that MTN Nigeria, in
giving out its banking and collection mandate, will prioritize Stanbic IBTC
Bank, a bank with South African interest, above local Nigerian Banks. The same
is said of the other South African businesses. This situation has tended to
increase the mistrust between Nigerian local businesses and their South African
counterparts. Given this situation, the prevailing feeling within the Nigerian
business community is that the South Africans are not returning the friendly gesture
of Nigerian businesses and consumers towards South African interests and are
therefore not displaying ‘brotherly’ love towards Nigerian businesses.
Aside from this, there is also the issue of the monopolistic
tendency of South African firms which creates industrial tensions, especially
in the Telecoms and pay- TV segments of the Nigerian economy where South
African behemoths like MTN and MultiChoice are dominant. Accusations are rife
about the deployment of arm-twisting tactics in the bid by these players to
retain their dominant positions. Beyond this, there are also the allegations of
over-pricing of services in Nigeria, in comparison to the prices these firms
charge in South Africa.
Furthermore, there is also the issue of the non-reciprocation
of Nigeria’s open door policy in South Africa. The poser often raised by cynical Nigerian business analysts
is, ‘which major Nigerian company has made any inroads worth mentioning in
South Africa even though South Africans are making a huge kill in Nigeria?’ Skeptics
also cite the exit of Thisday newspaper from South Africa under a very curious
circumstance, as proof of hostility of South Africa to Nigerian businesses.
Complaints about the non-reciprocity of the open door policy
to Nigerian businesses in South Africa often creates inter-government friction,
to the extent that bi-lateral relations
between the two countries was nearly damaged in 2012 when 125 Nigerian business
travelers to South Africa were denied entry into South Africa for not having
valid Yellow Fever certificates. The Nigeria government, in retaliation, also expelled
56 South Africans. This situation led to huge tensions which were later
resolved with the easing of travel restrictions
6. BEYOND THE
OPPORTUNITIES AND THE CHALLENGES, WHAT DOES THE FUTURE HOLD FOR NIGERIA- SOUTH
AFRICA BUSINESS RELATIONSHIP?
Having x-rayed the opportunities and challenges of South
African companies doing business in Nigeria, it is evident that great prospects
lie ahead for this ingenuous partnership which is opening up vistas of
opportunities for boosting intra-Africa trade. However, a couple of things need to be
addressed on both sides:
a.
Easing
of Visa processing and travel restrictions
While it may be tough to have a visa
free regime or a visa-on-arrival situation, there is the need to ease visa
processing in order help facilitate the interchange of business between both
countries.
b.
The
setting up of a clearing house for the resolution of business and investment
disputes
Given the necessity for speedy resolution
of business disputes between both countries, there is the need for the setting
up of a conflict resolution mechanism outside of the traditional legal and
arbitration systems provided by both countries. This will help ease investment
processes and speed up transaction time while creating better value for
investors seeking opportunities in both countries.
c.
The
need for reciprocity in the spirit of African brotherhood.
There is the need for reciprocity in
term of access to opportunities between both countries. This will go a long way
in strengthening relationships and lessening tension.
d.
Political
and fiscal risk
This is particularly important
because if businesses are not sure of the political and fiscal risks that they
are likely to confront, it might stifle investment and lead to value attrition.
The withdrawal of the 2.3 Gega Hertz (GHz) licence initially awarded to
Multilinks (the Nigerian subsidiary of Telkom), which happened under very
curious circumstances, was one of the reasons for the exit of the company from
Nigeria.
e.
Resolving
the issue of high costs of doing business
This particularly relates more to the
Nigeria environment than the South African environment. Nigeria needs to bridge her infrastructure deficit
in order to be able to attract more quality investments from South Africa. A
situation where a company like the MTN was saddled with building its own
backbone before being able to operate in Nigeria is not standard practice and will
therefore not be the case in more investment friendly environments. There is
the need for Nigeria to look more critically at building the necessary support
infrastructure which will make doing business in Nigeria a lot cheaper and help
drive foreign direct investment.
7. FACILITATING
INTRA-AFRICA TRADE BY SETTING THE RIGHT EXAMPLE - THE NIGERIA/SOUTH AFRICA
OPTION
The popular view that Africa stands to benefit more from
trade among Africans than trading with
Europe, America and Asia rings true when one considers the progress made so far
in Nigeria's partnership with South Africa
and the benefits that have accrued there-from. However, more effort is required
to take this to the next level.
Currently, Africa's intra-regional trade stands at about 10 -
12% of Africa's entire trade. This is very small when compared with
intra-regional trade within North America which is over 40% and intra-regional
trade in Western Europe which is about 60%. African Countries trade more with
America, China and Europe than they do among themselves. This is largely attributable to the existence
of artificial barriers to trade as well as poor transport and communication
infrastructure across Africa. Furthermore, the lack of a political will to affirm
commitments on the lifting of cross-border restrictions on the movement of
goods and services across Africa beyond mere promises represents a major
hindrance to achieving the desired end-state.
Given the need for the economic integration of Africa, African leaders
adopted the decision to establish a Pan- Africa Continental Free Trade Area
(CFTA) by the indicative date of
2017 taken during the 18thOrdinary Session
of Heads of State and Government of the African Union that was held in Addis
Ababa, Ethiopia, in January 2012. But, beyond boosting intra-Africa trade
by strengthening trade within regional blocs in Africa, there is the need for
the big economies and fast growing economies in Africa to set the right example
by removing barriers to trade among themselves. Nigeria, South Africa, Egypt and
other fast growing economies in Africa such as Kenya and Angola warehouse about
45% of Africa's total economic output, and given the need to raise intra-Africa
trade, Nigeria and South Africa, two of Africa's economic power-house need to take
the lead.
Bolaji Okusaga is the Managing Director of The
Quadrant Company, a Lagos based Public Relations Consultancy
Sunday, 22 February 2015
HOW DO WE GET OUT OF THE CYCLE OF VIOLENCE IN NIGERIA?
WE NEED TO FOCUS ON BUILDING THE MIDDLE CLASS, WHILE CREATING SOCIAL SAFETY NETS FOR THE BOTTOM OF THE PYRAMID:
While Latin America is reaping the gains of economic reforms in Countries such as Brazil, Argentina and Mexico and migrating a lot of people from the bottom of the pyramid to the middle class, we are reaping violence and poverty even though our economy is growing; and one would have felt that a lot more people would have been pulled out of poverty and that we would have started to narrow the gap between the top and the bottom of the pyramid, but the contrary has been the case.
A STRUCTURAL DYSFUNCTION AND A HARVEST OF VIOLENCE: While it is true that a lot of the crisis we have witnessed in Nigeria are a consequence of bad politics, the root causes are more about economic exclusion than politics. From the Area Boys and OPC in the South West, to the Bakassi Boys and Biafra renaissance in the South East, from the MEND Militancy in the South-South to the Boko Haram and Fulani Herdsmen in the North; able bodied men who should have ordinarily been gainfully employed are easily lured into anti-social groups that portend grave danger to the stability of the State.
WHAT CAN WE DO TO STEM THIS TIDE?
I imagine that it is possible to turn the tide if we can do three things very well within the next 5 to 10 years:
1. Education: We need to prioritise education so as to open peoples world to possibilities and give them a life-skill. Chief Obafemi Awolowo was able to do this in the old South West and I believe that an investment in Education always pays off across generations.
2. Job Creation: Given that a lot of the unemployed in Nigeria are actually unemployable because they lack requisite skills, job creation needs to be bundled with vocational skills acquisition using the traditional guild systems so we can start to see people emerge as Mechanics and become employable in the manufacturing industry and in the automotive sector. We need to rebuild the guild system, so we can start to see people also become bricklayers and foremen and become employable in the Construction Industry. We also can start to see people become welders, vulcanisers, blacksmiths, hair-dressers, tailors, cobblers and a host of bottom of the pyramid possibilities will start to emerge, which will mean more than violence and low life-expectancy.
3. Creation of Smaller Governments and Bigger Social Safety Nets: Let us spend less on people in government and their hangers on and spend more on things that guarantee a better quality of life for the people at the bottom of the pyramid, so they too can have access to a life that defines them as humans and not beasts.
ITS TIME TO REORDER OUR PRIORITIES
Let us spend less on Estacodes and private jets and spend more on public schools and primary healthcare centres. Let us spend less on furniture allowances for Legislators and spend more on feeder-roads and rural electrification projects. Let us spread the social safety net and help increase the disposable incomes of those at the middle and the bottom of the pyramid, so we can create a healthy economy, one that looks after the vulnerable in society and profits the rich. One that guarantees a hope for movement across the socio-economic classes, provided people are ready to work hard and be better at what they do. Let's bring back the notion of government as service as opposed to it being about bread and butter, so we can reduce the violence in the land. I believe it is possible. It is about reordering our priorities.
While Latin America is reaping the gains of economic reforms in Countries such as Brazil, Argentina and Mexico and migrating a lot of people from the bottom of the pyramid to the middle class, we are reaping violence and poverty even though our economy is growing; and one would have felt that a lot more people would have been pulled out of poverty and that we would have started to narrow the gap between the top and the bottom of the pyramid, but the contrary has been the case.
A STRUCTURAL DYSFUNCTION AND A HARVEST OF VIOLENCE: While it is true that a lot of the crisis we have witnessed in Nigeria are a consequence of bad politics, the root causes are more about economic exclusion than politics. From the Area Boys and OPC in the South West, to the Bakassi Boys and Biafra renaissance in the South East, from the MEND Militancy in the South-South to the Boko Haram and Fulani Herdsmen in the North; able bodied men who should have ordinarily been gainfully employed are easily lured into anti-social groups that portend grave danger to the stability of the State.
WHAT CAN WE DO TO STEM THIS TIDE?
I imagine that it is possible to turn the tide if we can do three things very well within the next 5 to 10 years:
1. Education: We need to prioritise education so as to open peoples world to possibilities and give them a life-skill. Chief Obafemi Awolowo was able to do this in the old South West and I believe that an investment in Education always pays off across generations.
2. Job Creation: Given that a lot of the unemployed in Nigeria are actually unemployable because they lack requisite skills, job creation needs to be bundled with vocational skills acquisition using the traditional guild systems so we can start to see people emerge as Mechanics and become employable in the manufacturing industry and in the automotive sector. We need to rebuild the guild system, so we can start to see people also become bricklayers and foremen and become employable in the Construction Industry. We also can start to see people become welders, vulcanisers, blacksmiths, hair-dressers, tailors, cobblers and a host of bottom of the pyramid possibilities will start to emerge, which will mean more than violence and low life-expectancy.
3. Creation of Smaller Governments and Bigger Social Safety Nets: Let us spend less on people in government and their hangers on and spend more on things that guarantee a better quality of life for the people at the bottom of the pyramid, so they too can have access to a life that defines them as humans and not beasts.
ITS TIME TO REORDER OUR PRIORITIES
Let us spend less on Estacodes and private jets and spend more on public schools and primary healthcare centres. Let us spend less on furniture allowances for Legislators and spend more on feeder-roads and rural electrification projects. Let us spread the social safety net and help increase the disposable incomes of those at the middle and the bottom of the pyramid, so we can create a healthy economy, one that looks after the vulnerable in society and profits the rich. One that guarantees a hope for movement across the socio-economic classes, provided people are ready to work hard and be better at what they do. Let's bring back the notion of government as service as opposed to it being about bread and butter, so we can reduce the violence in the land. I believe it is possible. It is about reordering our priorities.
Labels:
Development Economics,
Politics
Location:
United States
ARE OUR LEADERS THINKING OF US, OR ARE THEY OVERWHELMED WITH THE SPOILS OF OFFICE AND THE LIES BY SYCOPHANTS AND HANGERS-ON?
Greed rather than service seem to be the underlining motive for going into government in Nigeria. Let me give you three scenarios that bring my thesis to life:
1. HOW MUCH DOES IT COST TO FEED A PRESIDENT?
From the 2015 budget estimates, it will cost 4 Billion Naira to feed the President, his household and guests in 2015. That amount will provide more than 312,000 packs of Indomie Noodles daily, for one year. That is enough to feed the Children in the displaced people's camps in North-East Nigeria for one year. I would reckon that if our leaders were thinking about us, just a quarter of that amount is more than enough.
2. HOW MUCH DOES IT COST TO HOUSE A VICE PRESIDENT?
Initially, the amount budgeted for the building of a new residence for Vice President Namadi Sambo was 7 Billion naira but given the need to accommodate the lifestyle of the Vice President, the initial plan was altered leading to a cost over-run of 9 Billion naira, bringing the entire cost to 16 Billion naira. 16 Billion Naira will build at least 2 standard Primary Healthcare Centres in each of the 36 States of Nigeria at an average cost of 200 Million Naira. Why do we need a new House for a Vice President? Should that truly be a priority if our leaders are serious?
3. WHAT IS THE SALARY OF A NIGERIAN SENATOR?
The Economist magazine revealed that Nigeria federal legislators, with a basic salary of $189,500.00 per annum (N30.6m), are the highest paid lawmakers in the world. It looked at the lawmakers' basic salary as a ratio of the Gross Domestic Product per person across the world. According to the report, the basic salary (which excludes allowances); of a Nigerian lawmaker is 116 times the country's GDP per person of $1,600.00. In another report, the 469 federal lawmakers (109 senators and 360 members of the House of Representatives) cost Nigeria over N76 billion on annual salaries, allowances and quarterly payments. Each member of the 54 standing Senate committee, receives a monthly imprest of between N648 million and N972 million per year, while, a member of the House of Representatives receives N35 million or N140 million as quarterly or yearly allowances; which means conservatively the 25 per cent of the overhead of the nation's budget goes to the National Assembly. Aside from their scandalous wages, kept from the public consumption, their intended imbedding pensions for life for its principal officers into the Constitution; and now the Federal government's reports that the National Assembly have spent N1 trillion from 2005 to 2013, really makes non-sense of the meaning of service. If only they had cut their wages and allowances in the last 10 years by a half, we would have been able to deliver basic infrastructure which can stimulate growth in the domestic economy.
WHILE AN AVERAGE AMERICAN PRESIDENT AGES IN OFFICE, OURS GET FATTER. WHILE AN AVERAGE BRITISH POLITICIAN RIDES THE TRAIN, OURS RIDE PRIVATE JETS. Little wonder why Nigeria is not working for the good of all?
1. HOW MUCH DOES IT COST TO FEED A PRESIDENT?
From the 2015 budget estimates, it will cost 4 Billion Naira to feed the President, his household and guests in 2015. That amount will provide more than 312,000 packs of Indomie Noodles daily, for one year. That is enough to feed the Children in the displaced people's camps in North-East Nigeria for one year. I would reckon that if our leaders were thinking about us, just a quarter of that amount is more than enough.
2. HOW MUCH DOES IT COST TO HOUSE A VICE PRESIDENT?
Initially, the amount budgeted for the building of a new residence for Vice President Namadi Sambo was 7 Billion naira but given the need to accommodate the lifestyle of the Vice President, the initial plan was altered leading to a cost over-run of 9 Billion naira, bringing the entire cost to 16 Billion naira. 16 Billion Naira will build at least 2 standard Primary Healthcare Centres in each of the 36 States of Nigeria at an average cost of 200 Million Naira. Why do we need a new House for a Vice President? Should that truly be a priority if our leaders are serious?
3. WHAT IS THE SALARY OF A NIGERIAN SENATOR?
The Economist magazine revealed that Nigeria federal legislators, with a basic salary of $189,500.00 per annum (N30.6m), are the highest paid lawmakers in the world. It looked at the lawmakers' basic salary as a ratio of the Gross Domestic Product per person across the world. According to the report, the basic salary (which excludes allowances); of a Nigerian lawmaker is 116 times the country's GDP per person of $1,600.00. In another report, the 469 federal lawmakers (109 senators and 360 members of the House of Representatives) cost Nigeria over N76 billion on annual salaries, allowances and quarterly payments. Each member of the 54 standing Senate committee, receives a monthly imprest of between N648 million and N972 million per year, while, a member of the House of Representatives receives N35 million or N140 million as quarterly or yearly allowances; which means conservatively the 25 per cent of the overhead of the nation's budget goes to the National Assembly. Aside from their scandalous wages, kept from the public consumption, their intended imbedding pensions for life for its principal officers into the Constitution; and now the Federal government's reports that the National Assembly have spent N1 trillion from 2005 to 2013, really makes non-sense of the meaning of service. If only they had cut their wages and allowances in the last 10 years by a half, we would have been able to deliver basic infrastructure which can stimulate growth in the domestic economy.
WHILE AN AVERAGE AMERICAN PRESIDENT AGES IN OFFICE, OURS GET FATTER. WHILE AN AVERAGE BRITISH POLITICIAN RIDES THE TRAIN, OURS RIDE PRIVATE JETS. Little wonder why Nigeria is not working for the good of all?
Labels:
Development Economics,
Politics
Location:
United States
Monday, 16 February 2015
A NATION CANNOT RISE ABOVE THE PERSPECTIVE OF IT'S LEADERS:
Its time for a new vision. It's time for a different agenda. It's time for a fresh perspective to the problems of Nigeria
CHINA OFFERS US A GOOD EXAMPLE:
China may not be a Democracy sensu stricto, but because the Communist Party of China runs an hierarchical system, it is possible to discern distinct generations of Chinese leadership. There is usually a 10 year cycle before new leaders who have been groomed and prepared for the role are given the mantle of leadership. Over the years, there has been changes in the leadership of China across generations and each generation, in defining its own vision, comes to the table with a distinct extension of the ideology of the Communist party.
THE FOUNDERS GENERATION, DEFINED BY THE IRON RICE BOWL - MAO ZEDONG AND THE ERA OF BIG STATE AND SMALL ECONOMY:
The first generation, from 1949 to 1976, consisted of Mao Zedong as core, along with Zhou Enlai, Liu Shaoqi, Zhu De, Chen Yun, Peng Dehuai, and later Lin Biao. This was the era of the Iron Rice bowl, when the State was everything and directed everything as China was purely Communist and was directed by a stiff State policy which frowned at individualism and capitalism and pursued a communal posture and communist ideology. With the death of Chairman Mao, the weakness of this perspective as seen in the high level of poverty based on low aggregate production because the State guaranteed the iron rice bowl (in literal parlance - job security) to all its citizens regardless of whether they were productive or not, forced a new vision by a new generation.
THE SECOND GENERATION - 1976 - 1992 - THE MOVE FOR A LIBERALIZED ECONOMY
The era began with Hua Guofeng as the successor to Mao, but his position was soon eclipsed by the ascendancy of Deng Xiaoping as the paramount leader, in which position he remained at least until 1992 when he resigned from his leadership positions. This era saw the implementation of structural reforms aimed at raising China's economic fortunes. It saw the move for the control of population growth, labour reforms and the move for a better management of economic resources. This generation saw the smashing of Chairman Mao's Iron Rice Bowl and the move towards a liberal economy.
FROM THE THIRD TO THE FIFTH GENERATION: OPENING CHINA TO THE WORLD AND TAKING CHINA TO THE WORLD
From 1992, when the third generation took the reins of power, we have seen China open up to the world by joining the World Trade Organisation, hosting the Olympics and getting involved with Africa towards driving its industrial growth agenda by aligning with resource rich Countries in Africa in exchange for infrastructural and technical support. The third to fifth generation have asserted China's presence on the world stage not only as an alternate power but also a key economic bloc.
WHILE ALL THESE WAS GOING ON IN CHINA, NIGERIA HAS REMAINED STUCK WITH ITS SECOND GENERATION OF LEADERS
Nigeria has been stuck with the second generation of leaders who took over from the founding Fathers who have just been recycling themselves in the corridors of power instead of allowing a new generation of leaders to emerge. Little wonder then why Nigeria appears to be stagnating? Its time to change this trend.
CHINA OFFERS US A GOOD EXAMPLE:
China may not be a Democracy sensu stricto, but because the Communist Party of China runs an hierarchical system, it is possible to discern distinct generations of Chinese leadership. There is usually a 10 year cycle before new leaders who have been groomed and prepared for the role are given the mantle of leadership. Over the years, there has been changes in the leadership of China across generations and each generation, in defining its own vision, comes to the table with a distinct extension of the ideology of the Communist party.
THE FOUNDERS GENERATION, DEFINED BY THE IRON RICE BOWL - MAO ZEDONG AND THE ERA OF BIG STATE AND SMALL ECONOMY:
The first generation, from 1949 to 1976, consisted of Mao Zedong as core, along with Zhou Enlai, Liu Shaoqi, Zhu De, Chen Yun, Peng Dehuai, and later Lin Biao. This was the era of the Iron Rice bowl, when the State was everything and directed everything as China was purely Communist and was directed by a stiff State policy which frowned at individualism and capitalism and pursued a communal posture and communist ideology. With the death of Chairman Mao, the weakness of this perspective as seen in the high level of poverty based on low aggregate production because the State guaranteed the iron rice bowl (in literal parlance - job security) to all its citizens regardless of whether they were productive or not, forced a new vision by a new generation.
THE SECOND GENERATION - 1976 - 1992 - THE MOVE FOR A LIBERALIZED ECONOMY
The era began with Hua Guofeng as the successor to Mao, but his position was soon eclipsed by the ascendancy of Deng Xiaoping as the paramount leader, in which position he remained at least until 1992 when he resigned from his leadership positions. This era saw the implementation of structural reforms aimed at raising China's economic fortunes. It saw the move for the control of population growth, labour reforms and the move for a better management of economic resources. This generation saw the smashing of Chairman Mao's Iron Rice Bowl and the move towards a liberal economy.
FROM THE THIRD TO THE FIFTH GENERATION: OPENING CHINA TO THE WORLD AND TAKING CHINA TO THE WORLD
From 1992, when the third generation took the reins of power, we have seen China open up to the world by joining the World Trade Organisation, hosting the Olympics and getting involved with Africa towards driving its industrial growth agenda by aligning with resource rich Countries in Africa in exchange for infrastructural and technical support. The third to fifth generation have asserted China's presence on the world stage not only as an alternate power but also a key economic bloc.
WHILE ALL THESE WAS GOING ON IN CHINA, NIGERIA HAS REMAINED STUCK WITH ITS SECOND GENERATION OF LEADERS
Nigeria has been stuck with the second generation of leaders who took over from the founding Fathers who have just been recycling themselves in the corridors of power instead of allowing a new generation of leaders to emerge. Little wonder then why Nigeria appears to be stagnating? Its time to change this trend.
BEFORE THE CANDIDATES GET CARRIED AWAY - LET'S FOCUS ON THE REAL ISSUES: WHERE ARE WE ON THE HUMAN CAPITAL DEVELOPMENT INDEX?
I just read Muhammed Buhari's pledge today. It looks to me a
right-headed document and a breath of fresh air, but it still did not address
succinctly, the most critical issue: How do we raise the standard of living of
our people and make development truly count for the ordinary Nigerian? This
question is at the heart of "corruption of need" in Nigeria. A smart
government will focus on this because it is the route to addressing our
development challenge and surmounting the obstacles on our route to exiting
Nigeria's resource curse. Nigeria has the largest population in Africa and has
an abundance of natural resources. While it focuses its attention on its
natural resources, it is losing its human capital. Truth is our human capital
is the unique resource which ordinarily should give us an edge. Our large
population should be a key source of competitive advantage. Aside from having a
large workforce, this resource has the potential of transforming Nigeria into a
large emerging market and can also trigger local production which can serve the
African region. The combined net effect of these is economic development
through an increase in the Gross Domestic Product and social stability. The
flip-side of this possibility is currently at play. The opposition needs to
come to the table with a Human Capital Development deal which raises our
national productivity and develops capacity for tomorrow's economy.
THE STARTING POINT:
HOW WE ARE DOING IN TERMS OF FULFILLING THE MDG's?
The Millennium
Development Goals offers us a good platform for building our Human Capital.
There are 8 of them:
1. Eradicate extreme
poverty and hunger
2. Achieve universal
primary education
3. Promote gender
equality and empower women
4. Reduce child
mortality
5. Improve maternal
health
6. Combat HIV/AIDS,
malaria and other diseases
7. Ensure
environmental sustainability
8. Global partnership
for development
THE INTERVENTION
POINT: WHAT IS OUR SCORE CARD ON THE MDG's THUS FAR?
MDG 1: Eradicate
Extreme Poverty
Poverty Rate: 46%.
Access to Clean Water: 49%.
Nigeria's poverty
rate is very high, and when one considers the fact that Nigeria is home to some
of the richest people in Africa, the social and economic inequality becomes
even more glaring, with the combined income of the top 1 % of the Nigerian
Society being more than the combined income of the bottom 50%.
MDG2: Achieve
Universal Primary Education:
Primary School
Enrollment Rate: 65.7%
This is relatively
okay and growing, however, the school enrollment rate of the Girl-Child remains
low and is being threatened by Religious insurgency up North.
MDG 3: Promote Gender
Equality
While the nation's
legal framework supporting Gender Equality falls far short of the MDG
requirements, the ratio of Female representation in the executive arm of
government is actually near target.
MDG 4: Reduce Child
Mortality
Still very high. With
608 deaths per 100,000 deliveries, Nigeria ranks second only to India in the
list of nations with the worst child mortality. The UNICEF Multiple Indicator
Cluster Survey (MICS4) report recently conducted indicates that under-five
mortality in Nigeria increased from 138 per 1,000 live births in 2007 to 158
per 1,000 live births in 2011.
MDG 5: Improve
Maternal Health
Still very high but
improving. 510 deaths per 100,000 live births in 2013, down from 630 deaths per
100,000 live births in 2010
MDG's 6: Combat
HIV/AIDS, malaria and other diseases:
HIV Prevalence Rate:
3.1% (Still high and is essentially being spread by Commercial Sex Workers)
Malaria: According to
UNICEF, Malaria is the most significant public health problem in Nigeria. The
economic cost of malaria, arising from cost of treatment, loss of productivity
and earning due to days lost from illness, is as high as 1.3% of economic
growth per annum. The disease is a major cause of maternal mortality and poor
child development.
Tuberculosis:
According to WHO Tuberculosis is still a major public health problem in
Nigeria, with the country ranking 5th among the 22 high TB burden countries
which collectively bear 80% of the global burden of TB. The number of TB cases
notified in the country increased from 31,264 in 2002 to 90,307 in 2008.
MDG 7: Ensure
environmental sustainability
Deforestation Rate:
According to FAO, Nigeria has the world's highest deforestation rate of primary
forests. Between 2000 and 2005 the country lost 55.7 percent of its primary
forests to excessive logging, subsistence agriculture, and the collection of
fuelwood.
Oil Spillage:
According to Oil Spill Conference Nigeria 2014, over 600 oil spill incidents
are recorded in Nigeria annually
Gas Flaring:
According to World Watch Institute, Russia and Nigeria are the two largest
emitters of flare gas in the world. According to World Bank statistics, Nigeria
flares about 20 billion cubic meters of gas annually.
MDG 8: Global partnership
for development: Nigeria will need to rev-up Global partnership working with
the likes of the UNDP (United Nations Development Programme) in order to be
able to meet MDG 1 - 7.
WE SEEM TO BE FALLING
SHORT RATHER THAN RISING IN TERMS OF MEETING THESE GOALS:
In 2013, the United
Nations singled out Nigeria along-sides Sierra Leone and Somalia as Countries
that need to do more if the goals of the MDG's are to be realized. I reckon
that government needs to do a lot of reality checks rather than continue to
chase shadows. We need to focus our priority on poverty reduction and human
development, essentially looking at Health and Education. We cannot continue to
save-up to go for treatments abroad, while also investing what could have been
used to develop the local education system on overseas university enrollments. It’s
time to get our priorities right; and I reckon that if our politicians are
right-headed, this should be a key campaign topic, rather than such things as
rotational Presidency and ethnic balancing. Truth be told, with our wealth and
with the strength of the local economy which is put at about 510 Billion
Dollars (2013 GDP rebased figures), we are lagging behind the world and we need
to do something fast. WE NEED TO KNOW WHO IS PRIORITIZING HUMAN CAPITAL
DEVELOPMENT AND WHO IS NOT.
Bolaji Okusaga is a
Lagos based PR Practitioner
EATING AWAY OUR FUTURE - OIL AND THE DILEMMA OF A NATION
According to a Standard Bank study, Nigeria has earned
revenues in excess of $1.6 trillion in the last 50 years, but there is so
little to show for it in terms of infrastructure or in terms of sovereign
investment. Nigeria recently set up a Sovereign Wealth Fund, albeit with a lot
of resistance from the Governors Forum, who will rather that the monies in the
excess crude account be shared and squandered as we have done in the past fifty
years; but even then, that intervention is too little and needless to state
that it may be too late as time is running out on the Kleptocracy that Nigeria
has been in the last 50 years.
COMPARING OTHER OIL
PRODUCING COUNTRIES SOVEREIGN INVESTMENT TO THEIR GDP:
Given the need for
resource based economies to diversify their income base, a lot of Oil and
Commodity led economies started the move from traditional reserve management to
investing proceeds from their resources in other investment vehicles such as
Stocks and Bonds across the World; and by so doing, diversify their income base
while edging against volatility in the resource or commodity market. In doing
this, a lot of these economies had reckoned that capital need to be deployed in
economies with capacity and markets with growth potential in order to drive
maximal output and investment appreciation. Today, a lot of those investments
have grown and are providing a cushion for periodic volatility in the resource
or commodity market. Saudi Arabia for instance has a Sovereign Investment value
worth 98% of it 780 Billion Dollar GDP, while Kuwait has a Sovereign Investment
that stands at 150% of its 200.062 Billion Dollar GDP with both Countries also
ranking very high in terms of per capita GDP. But on the flip-side, Nigeria's
Sovereign Investment stands at 0.3 percent of 2013 GDP of $510, with a current
reserve that is less than 40 Billion Dollars.
CREATION OF BIG
GOVERNMENT AND BOGUS BUREAUCRACIES RATHER THAN INVESTING IN HUMAN CAPACITY AND
INFRASTRUCTURE
Now we seem to be in
panic mode since Crude Oil began to witness a free fall in the international
market because we have failed to appropriate the opportunity provided by the
in-flow of over $1.6 Trillion in the last 50 years, to build robust
infrastructure which can support growth and create jobs. We have also failed to
invest in the future, beyond traditional reserve management, and by so doing,
stabilize our economy. Yet we keep feeding a big government created by
arbitrary State creation and funding of phony Bureaucracies which are
self-serving and not adding value, to the extent that Nigeria has the largest
Public Sector in Africa and one of the lowest private sector employment to
population ratio in the world. But this large Public Sector has not translated
to greater efficiency in th
e delivery of public
service and part of the hindrance to competitiveness and ease of doing business
in Nigeria is the corruption and inefficiency of Nigeria's bogus Public Sector.
WE NEED TO RETHINK
OUR ROUTE TO NATIONHOOD
Rethinking our route
to nationhood seem to be the sustainable solution to stemming the kind of
profligacy we have seen in the last 50 years. I really do not believe we need
36 States if 2/3 of these States are going to remain takers and not
contributors to the National Treasury. We do not need a bogus Bureaucracy which
duplicates Civil Service Structures across the 36 States if all we have seen is
more corruption than service. What we need no is a system which frees each
Federating zone to create wealth from the different resources available within
their immediate environment - whether human or natural resources - and share
same with the centre rather than having the centre become Lord and Master with
parasitic States that do not have any source of revenue beyond the Federation
Account. Truth be told, Nigeria will remain a profligate State under the
current arrangement.
Bolaji Okusaga is a Lagos based PR Practitioner
HOW DO WE MAKE NIGERIA A SUSTAINABLE ENTERPRISE?
This seems to be the all-important question that no one is proffering
an answer to. We have a Constitution that says all monies that accrue to
government must go to the Federation Account and must be shared amongst the
different tiers of government in agreed ratio with no provision for savings or
investments. As if that is not enough, the issue of recurrent to capital
expenditure in the annual budget also remains a major bane to development -
what with a housing deficit of 17 million, with over 135,000km of road network
in the country still remaining un-tarred; with Doctor to patient ratio still
very low and hospital facilities nationwide inadequate for a population that is
increasing by over 2% each year - the question remains: how do we move forward?
WITH 72% ALLOCATED TO
RECURRENT EXPENDITURE AND 28% TO CAPITAL PROJECTS - LITTLE WONDER WHY NOTHING
NEW CAME OUT OF THE 2009 - 2014 OIL BOOM?
It is common
knowledge that our Public Service rather than add value keeps depleting the
nations resource base. A lot has been said about Government being the biggest
employer of labour, but truth is, what percentage of the 72% budgeted for
recurrent expenditure actually goes to salaries and emoluments of public sector
workers? Analysts posit that just 40% of the entire 72% voted for recurrent
expenditure actually goes for Salaries and Emoluments. The rest is swallowed up
by corruption.
IF I WERE PRESIDENT,
I WILL SEND THE ENTIRE PUBLIC SECTOR HOME AND STILL PAY THEIR SALARIES UNTIL I
AM ABLE TO DETECT THE HOLE THAT IS SWALLOWING 60% OF THE AMOUNT BUDGETED FOR
RECURRENT EXPENDITURE
This sound illogical,
but very plausible, because by sending the entire public sector home while
still paying them salaries, you will be able to determine the service that is
really essential and also saving about 60% of the amount allocated for
recurrent expenditure.
IF I WERE PRESIDENT -
I WILL COMPEL THE GROUPING OF STATES INTO REGIONS SO AS TO HAVE ECONOMICAL
VIABLE UNITS AND NOT TAKERS
What is the use
having 36 States with over 60% of the States as takers and not givers?
Shouldn't we be moving towards more economical models which enable better
resource management and frees the private sector to actually lead growth while
government boosts Capital Expenditure and ensures budget performance while
reducing corruption?
UNFORTUNATELY, NON OF
THE SO-CALLED PEOPLE ASPIRING TO RUN NIGERIA IN 2015 ARE FOCUSING ON THIS ALL
IMPORTANT ISSUE. How do we create a viable nation and prioritize what really
matters?
Bolaji Okusaga is a Lagos based PR Practitioner
Tuesday, 6 May 2014
BRIDGING NIGERIA’S INFRASTRUCTURE DEFICIT - THE SEARCH FOR AN ALTERNATIVE MODEL
The recent study conducted by Mckinsey on Nigeria's
Infrastructure requirement threw up the need for the investment of well over 31
Billion Dollars investment annually, well over a 10 year period for Nigeria to
bridge her huge infrastructure deficit. Given the huge amount required therefore, it is
near impossible to expect government to foot the entire bill, neither will
traditional project finance models essentially leveraging medium to long term
funds from Banks and Development Finance Institutions
do much, given huge of funds required for
infrastructure projects and the mirades of needs that DFI's contend with on the
African Continent. So projects such as the 2nd Niger-Bridge, the East West
Road, Dredging of the River Niger to allow Sea-going Vessels to Dock at in-land
Ports, a Standard guage rail line connecting the State capitals and economic centres
of Nigeria from North to South, Power Dams, Electricity Transmission Lines,
Electricity Distribution Infrastructure and other critical infrastructure are not attended to, affecting the quality
of Economic growth, the creation of jobs and the enhancement of the
economic well-being and standard of living of Nigerians.
Furthermore given the fact that in government, there are competing needs and limited resources, the projects
needed to jump-start Nigeria's industrial revolution become mere pipe-dreams. So how do we move forward? Where are the
risk-takers who will partner with government knowing the risk involved with
Community resistance to Tolling and all other forms of payment for access to
public infrastructure once concession-ed? Apart from these, there are also other encumbrances to Public Private Partnerships, which should otherwise have helped unlock the required funding for economically viable public infrastructure projects, chief among such obstacles
confronting private participation in public infrastructure provision is
funding! A project such as the Lagos Ibadan Expressway will require well over
one billion dollars to remodel the road and without a good Financial Model, how
will Financial Institutions come together to fund such projects?
DRIVING PPP's THROUGH STRONG REGULATIONS AND BUILDING AN
ALTERNATIVE FINANCIAL MODEL FOR INFRASTRUCTURE PROJECTS
Its been said that government cannot be left to go it alone
with regards to bridging infrastructure deficit, but we all know the political
risks as well as Financial model risks involved in putting together a Public
Private Partnership deal? Hence, you find the failure of PPP projects the like
of the Lagos Ibadan Expressway, the Lagos Local Airport and lately the Lekki
Link Bridge. But we cannot allow that to frustrate the delivery of economic
infrastructure which have potential to create jobs as well as leapfrog growth
and development. So we need to think through a proper financial model and a
strong regulatory platform for delivering PPP's - one that ensures that
projects time horizons are shortened, project partners reap benefits derivable
from such projects, with minimum resistance from users of such economic
infrastructure, citizens, local community and politicians.
BRIDGING THE FUNDING GAP - HOW CAN PENSION FUNDS HELP?
With the Nigerian Pension reforms, we suddenly have a
situation where we have trillions of naira sitting with Pension Custodians
which are deployed to all manner of investment which do not add much value. For
a while, the CBN under its Financial System Strategy - FSS2020 - has been trying to help unlock
Pension Funds for infrastructure Financing with very little success thus far. I
reckon that government needs to throw its weight behind this initiative as it
will have multiplier effects in the sense that once we are able to develop
critical economic infrastructure such as Roads, Bridges, Rail as well as Power
and Energy Infrastructure. it will automatically reduce the cost of doing
business, create more jobs, lead to output gains with consequent impact on our
Gross Domestic Product.
THINKING OF AN ALTERNATIVE INFRASTRUCTURE FUNDING MODEL -
ONE THAT OFFERS A WIN-WIN PROPOSITION FOR GOVERNMENT AND ITS PRIVATE SECTOR
PARTNERS
I reckon also that in terms of gains accrual to Pension
Custodians and Administrators, Infrastructure Financing will have very positive
impact as it will help value addition and risk diversification. Also from the
Infrastructure Project Owners and Off-takers, the deployment of patient capital
will lessen the burden of having an investment-mismatch and limit defaults. My
take therefore is that government should throw its political weight behind
birthing an alternative funding model for infrastructure projects - one that
meets Nigeria's economic target, makes us competitive in terms of the ease of doing business and delivers quality growth which creates jobs and enhances the living standards of Nigerians.
Thursday, 17 October 2013
BOKO HARAM AND THE ALMAJIRI SYNDROME: WHAT'S THE WAY OUT?
Thank God the Sallah celebrations are over with no major
security skirmish in the North or around Nigeria. It seems to me that the State
of Emergence declared by President Jonathan is actually working, but at the
risk of speaking too soon I reckon we should look at a more sustainable
solution to these security challenges rather than imagine that the brute force
of Military power can continue to lead the way in the quest at having a safe,
peaceful and harmonious society where people can live their lives without fear
of losing it to mindless causes and where business can flourish and grow
unhindered. Thank God, the Sallah passed without any bombs exploding or without
some hoodlums going into a school to shoot at innocent students, however, we
must use this period of respite to critically re-examine and reassess the
security situation in Nigeria with specific focus on the North.
BEFORE BOKO HARAM, THERE WAS A CULTURAL PRACTICE:
Before the coming of Boko Haram, there exist an archaic
practice up North where people willingly firm out their male Children to
Religious Clerics to be trained in Arabic and the Doctrines of Islam. Over
time, these Clerics took on more Children than they can care for, leading to a
situation where the Children are left to go into the streets in search of food
and alms. This situation continued over time,creating a mass of uneducated,
ill-bred and ill-prepared people who lead a desperate, destitute and despondent
life which makes them vulnerable to indoctrination and puts them at the disposal
of mischievous Clerics and Politicians alike. A manifestation of this cultural practice are the incessant
religious uprisings in the North starting from the Maitasine Riots to its later
day devious and dangerous transmutation - Boko Haram. Ofcourse, some have blamed the Boko Haram
uprising on the Arab spring which suddenly liberated potent energies and
weapons that had hitherto been held bound by Dictators like Moamar Ghadaffi, my
take has always been that behind every fire, is a fuel which had seemed
harmless until there came a flicker of fire romancing the seemingly harmless
fuel and giving birth to death and destruction. In the case of Nigeria, there
was already an Army, willing and able to start a crisis and suddenly arms came
pouring in, and with it, the spirit of death and destruction. Unfortunately,
years of irresponsible and careless leadership up North as with everywhere else
in Nigeria, had failed to see this coming!
WHAT'S THE SOLUTION?
Although I am not one of President Goodluck Jonathan
"cry till your voice becomes hoax" supporters, I none the less
acknowledge that the problem was not caused by him and that the solution
actually lie far from the ambit of his influence because the problem stems from
an archaic cultural practice which has created an army of ill-informed and
ignorant mass that are usually willing sparks for religious or political fire.
I do not mean to denigrate anyone or lay the blame at anyone's table because
indeed inimical and antediluvian cultural practices exist in every culture -
from the sacrifice of human beings as penance for communal sins in parts of
Yorubaland, the Osu Caste system in
Igboland, to the killing of Twins in Calabar;
cultural practices which bear no place in modern societies had existed
in our various communities, but what shows an indication of progress in any
society, is the ability to rethink the route that society must take in order for there to be
peace, progress and prosperity under a changing order. This fact become more
glaring when one notes the fact that Europe did indeed pass through the
dark-ages long before the coming of the Industrial Revolution and America
actually fought a war of liberation in 1776 and a war between the Industrial
North and Agrarian South before settling to the ideals which today makes them a
model for democracy and free-markets. What this points to is that any situation
can turn around for good depending on how it is managed.
THE SOLUTION IS NOT IN MILITARY BUT SOCIAL SECURITY
Although, I supported and still support the idea of State of
Emergency declared in volatile States in the North by President Goodluck
Jonathan, I believe however that Military putsch is not a sustainable solution,
rather the solution lie in Social Security:
1. A resolve by Northern Elites, working with government, to
rein in the inimical Alamajiri tradition and create a vent for everyone who is
born in the North of the Niger to have access to education (inspite of the fact
that Boko Haram preaches that education is a sin).
2. The creation of Welfare camps for existing destitute and
despondent Almajiri's with soft infrastructure such as Mobile Clinic, Skills
Acquisition Centres and Farm Settlements. This is in keeping with the need to
positively engage the Mass of the Almajiri's.
3. The creation of a social safety net built around trade
and guild systems such as credit and thrift systems which can free up their
productive energies and consequently raise SME's in traditional Northern trade
and businesses such as Pasturing, Hides and Skin, Tie and Dye and Farming with
a possibility of moving from primary production to secondary production as the
society settles on a growth and productive part.
4. Decentralisation of Nigeria's Policing system in order to
allow for local intelligence and a better understanding of cultural nuances
which often lead to unrest.
All of the above may seem simple, but it does demand firm
introspection not blame trading, a sense of sincerity, a willingness to
concentrate on the big picture rather than chasing shadows and above all, it
will require a lot of political will on the part of the Nigerian power elite to
achieve.
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